Friday, November 11, 2022

Global Decline

A neo-fascist has been elected as prime minister in Italy. A racist anti-democratic party is a big part of Netanyahu’s winning coalition. In America many Republicans are openly working against democracy. That Trump-backed candidates did worse than expected in the midterm elections gives only little comfort. US politicians and voters are still split by an antagonism which often amounts to mutual hatred. Bad times indeed for mature politics.

 

In earlier posts I have talked about the political decline characterising the present stage of late modernity. The preceding stage of mature modernity  forms the background to this. As written earlier, the modernities of civilisations are inherently unstable periods filled with conflicts in and between the nations of the civilization. Nevertheless we see parts of a modernity which can be termed mature or at least as more mature than the other parts of this period. These mature stages are naturally often found around the middle of the roughly three centuries a modernity lasts. Thus we can conceptualise a modernity as a curve with the degree of maturity rising from a low point to a maximum and then falling back.

 

A mature political system can be defined as a type of rule where the rulers are subject to surveillance and control by institutions and by politicians and people with differing opinions. Generalized we can talk about checks and balances. In this way a government does not get almighty and it can be stopped if it’s policies are perceived as wrong. We can call a such political system pluralistic. Importantly, another criterion for maturity is that the controls are not so interfering that it results in instability or in inaction. A mature political system like this can be implemented in the form of a democracy built on the partitioning of three powers proposed by Montesquieu. But it can also be implemented in other political systems.

 

Of course a symmetric curve rising to political maturity and then falling again is a highly idealised picture and a gross oversimplification. There are big variations between different nations, and there are marked discontinuities caused by events like revolutions, coup d’états, economic crises and devastating wars. But despite this the curve gives a good overview and permits comparisons between regions and countries.

 

The central nations and the surrounding nations and the periphery of a civilization all develop in different paces and reach different levels of maturity. If we draw the idealised curve mentioned above for the three different cases it may look like this:

 

 


 

The uppermost curve could represent North Europe. The middle curve could be South Europe. The United States would then be somewhere between these two. The curve at the bottom is the third world. The nations on the lower curves never achieve the highest possible level of maturity before it all reverts again. The downward trend which has begun now ends the maturation in the south before it reaches the level of Scandinavia and West Germany. This is because this trend characterizes the whole of the civilization and chokes the maturation process everywhere no matter how high or low levels were achieved.

 

But does it have to end like this? No not necessarily. If we look at the modernities of the two civilizations which most closely resemble our, we see two possibilities. In the Greco-Roman world the trend after the reform-attempts by Tiberius and Gaius Gracchus around 130 BC only went downwards. But in the second Chinese modernity in the Song Dynasty the developments went both down and up again. During this time there was a carefully elaborated system of checks and balances which controlled the government and made sure that there always were political opponents involved in decision making and rule. Criticism was encouraged and was both institutionalised and emerging from an open public debate. But around 1070 the reform politician Wang Anshi and his followers concentrated almost all power in their hands and thereby for a time neutralized the controlling of the government. Like in today’s world the polarization between left and right was enormous. Here we can indeed talk about a decline of politics. But somehow the country found its way back to a balance between government and controls. Thus the declining trend was reverted, probably because of the stabilizing power of a very deep state. This example shows that the fall of the curve is not a law. But in our case the development begins to look more like the one in Rome.

 

To take a modern European example, the tragic turn of events is clear in present Italy. This country never became as politically stable as the countries to the north, and in the last decades it’s political landscape is dominated by populist parties from left to right. For the third world the situation is even worse. Latin America had just left the long era of military dictatorships behind, and for a couple of decades it has enjoyed more mature political conditions. But now populism and polarization threatens to ruin this again. Just look at Brazil. In Latin America like elsewhere economic problems accelerate the process of decline. Matters are even worse in Africa. Parts of this continent will never reach even a small degree of maturity before it is already over again.

 

But also if we look at nations in the central parts of our civilization, things look gloomy. France has for a long time been plagued by the right-wing populist Front National and now it’s voters are dominated by right and left-wing populist parties poised to ruin the necessary reforms wanted by Macron.

 

Communist East Europe is a special case as it’s countries went from foreign dominance to a high level of maturity in the northern parts, but now these  countries too are in political decay.

 

The United Kingdom has seen an unbelievably rapid decline with the help of UKIP and other demagogues, not least Boris Johnson. Even more tragic, the United States thanks to polarizing rhetoric and policies from both political parties, but above all because of Donald Trump and his supporters in the Republican party, will descend into violent upheavals alternating with periods of dictatorship. Thus even though the central nations of the Western civilization have experienced high degrees of maturation, their present fall is dramatic.

 

As said above, maturity is not necessarily the same as western style democracy. The two major countries in the northern hemisphere calling themselves socialist - but which were and when we talk about China, is an integral part of the Western civilization - also reached higher degrees of maturity, both in the decades where they had collective leaderships, i.e. the Soviet Union after Khrushchev and China after Mao. In the first case this ended with the breakup of the USSR. In modern westernised China the period seems to end with the present one-man rule and it’s indefinite prolongation.

 

In the USSR and China under collective Communist party rule roughly 1965-1990 and 1980-2020 respectively the checks and balances came from more or less institutionalised groups with differing views within the Communist parties. This version of pluralist rule functioned with the same stability as the one which characterized the northern Western type democracies. In China the system resulted in a long period with a remarkable combination of political stability, intelligence and adaptability. As said, the system which enabled this seems to be ending with the new indefinite one-man rule.

 

A prime minister in a country like Germany can also sit for several successive periods, but in this case the power-limiting mechanisms and an opposition is in place. That stability is possible in a democratic system with power shifts between parties and constantly criticizing oppositions is by no means obvious. It can only function in a mature manner if and as long as responsible elites dominate the ruling political parties and guide the voters. These conditions have ended in several hitherto mature democracies as the elites mentally degenerate down to the level of the mob (even though they economically may be well above the people in wealth).

 

Any end to the characteristics of the two stable pluralistic types, i.e. the collective Communist and the Western democratic political systems, are symptoms of the political decline: instability, demagogy, populism, polarization and authoritarian one-man rule. If necessary, the authoritarian version can function as a remedy against the more chaotic versions, but only if it is not installed too early, if the leader makes the right decisions and if power is not a goal in itself. Otherwise it will sooner or later be challenged from within. Moreover, a present intelligent leader can be followed by one who is unworthy but who nevertheless inherits the absolute power.

 

By now I see only one major nation still upholding a high level of mature modernity: Germany. But the quickly shifting patterns of the German voters is one warning. Worse, certain utterances and obstructive policies from the present opposition leader do sound unpleasant in content and tone. It shows that even in this country political maturity is not guaranteed now where our whole civilization is in free fall. German politicians bear a heavy responsibility for not letting this last island be inundated too.

 

But what will the degradation of the political systems mean for the concept of democracy in itself? In an earlier post I have written that the Greco-Roman civilization and our Western one are characterized by what may be termed European democracy, a strong wish for and often also implementation of direct involvement of the people in rule or the selection of ruling people. Past and present experience show that even though the modern version of this kind of rule is presently in crisis, this does not imply that the ideal is also weakened. Like numerous examples from Burma over Iran to Latin America and Africa show, the wish for freedom is impossible to extinguish.

 

That American democracy fails will only strengthen the ideal. Hitherto democracy is being used as a justification for US dominance just like economic growth is being used as an argument for Chinese dominance. With the present and future internal developments in the United States it will be clear to everyone that this power isn’t any longer synonymous with true democracy. Thus the ideal will be freed from power-political dirt.

 

After a sufficiently long time filled with the chaos of late modernities a civilization is ripe for the final authoritarian rule by emperors or whichever title they may carry. We are  not there yet. It may take at least seven decades of internal and international troubles before we are ready for our Augustus or Di.

 

The strength of European democracy is clear from the Antique example. Despite the authoritarian rule by the Roman emperors on the federal level the constituent city states of the empire still had their internal often democratic constitutions. Just look at the election campaign conserved in Pompeii. The Roman empire was “One country, several systems”. Our future global empire(s) must be of the same type to be viable in a world still striving for the maximally possible degree of freedom: Authoritarian on the federal level and democratic in the subdued countries.

 

 

Epilogue 

But to return to the present and coming decades until one or two or three empires unite the world, isn’t there any hope of escaping the decline? Well, as stated earlier, history may seem to run in large civilizations displaced in time repeating overall developments, but especially the specifics are not determined by law. We still have a degree of freedom to choose. And as shown by the Song Dynasty a decline can be reversed. On the background of accelerating climate disasters it is time to pull the brakes on the decay. Now is not  the time for the usual stereotypical childish games of power between politicians and between countries, games that have plagued most civilizations in their late phases. Especially not if these games degrade politicians and peoples to animals for whom power is more important than humankind. The global consequences of the war in Ukraine have clearly exposed our vulnerability. These consequences are microscopic in comparison with what global warming will cause.